MOBILE MONEY FINANCIAL SERVICES AND THE EMPOWERMENT OF RURAL HOUSEWIVES IN NKOKONJERU: AN ASSESSMENT.
CHAPTER ONE
Background of the Study
Mobile technologies are changing economic life in developing countries, where many people are using cell phones for a range of financial transactions. such as receiving and sending money transfers (Subia and Martinez, 2014). Kikulwe et al (2014) also holds that besides reducing the costs of communication and improving access to information, these cell phones have enabled other technological innovations which have become part of every day life for many people who are unbanked and especially those who live in rural areas. Mobile financial services is one of these technologies that has allowed the rural poor underserved by the formal banking system to use their cell phones to access a range of financial services in what is known as “Mobile money”.
The term “mobile money” defined by the bank of Uganda, is “e-money available to a user to conduct transactions through a mobile phone.” Mobile Network Operators (MNOs) and Mobile Money Service Providers (MMSPs), who operate through partnering with licensed institutions using the MNOs networks, offer mobile money services (BOU, cited in Ryder, 2014). These services which are made available to banked and unbanked mobile subscribers include mobile payments, mobile transfers and in some cases, mobile banking (Victor, 2014) and other services including insurance, access to credit and savings as pointed out by GSMA(2014).
To Siegel and Fransen (2012), with mobile money, individuals make financial transfers such as sending and receiving remittances via their mobile phones which is considered to be relatively cheaper since it is using already available communication infrastructure of mobile phones hence increasing easy access for remittances senders and receivers, especially in areas that are difficult to reach.
In addition, because mobile phone penetration has reached rural areas introducing mobile money services in these areas, where conventional banks have been physically absent or remain too expensive according to GSMA, (2014); has become easy and this is done through mobile money agents who partner with telecom companies and MMSPs to carry out transactions. As a result mobile money has emerged as an opportunity to rural unbanked households who have cellular phones and are registered on the mobile money service and according to GSMA (Ibid), this has potential to improve household income through facilitating safe savings [either from remittances received or individual cash deposits] which can be used to make important capital investments on which these households rely to transform their lives and the household as a whole. For rural women, GSMA points it out that the remittances received and saved through mobile money are capable of increasing their financial autonomy especially when it comes to allocation of funds required for household spending and to GSMA; this is considered to be empowering them. According to Morawczynski (cited in GSMA, 2014) remittances and transfers received and sent via [mobile money] are less visible than those transmitted by other means, such as delivery by a friend or relative, allowing women to thwart the complete control of finances by male [and other] family members thus giving women an opportunity to put the money to use in activities that economically benefit them. [ADD AFTER READING ABOUT ECONOMIC EMPOWERMENT]
Subia and Martinez (2014) give us a succinct history of mobile money services. They hold that the Philippines was one of the earliest adopters of mobile money services when SMART Communications launched SMART Money in 2001. Next, in Africa, South Africa launched MTN Mobile Money in 2005 as a joint venture between the country’s second largest network operator MTN and a large commercial bank, Standard Bank. This was followed by Airtel in Tanzania, in 2005 partnering with Citigroup and Standard Chartered Bank to provide m-money services, including bill payments, payments for goods and services, phone-to-phone and phone-to-bank money transfers, and mobile wallets.
Kenya pioneered in 2007 through M-PESA (“M” for “mobile”, “pesa” for “money” in Swahili), a popular mobile money service offered by a local mobile network operator, Safaricom; Côte d’Ivoire came next in 2008 under Orange and in Uganda, MTN was the first operator to launch mobile money services in 2009 and remains, by far, the market leader (Intermedia, cited in Subia and Martinez, 2014). Since then, the mobile money industry has rapidly expanded, particularly in developing economies in Africa and South Asia such as India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan. It has been optimistically described by policy makers, the media and above all mobile phone companies as a prospective means to economic development and poverty reduction (ibid), especially through financial inclusion that eases access to payments and remittance facilities, savings, loans, and insurance services by the formal system to those who tend to be excluded (Nagadevara cited in Ssonko, 2010).
A research carried out in 2014 by Global Findex indicate that while just 1% of adults cite properly no footnote needed here globally [1]say they use mobile money, in Sub-Saharan Africa, 64 million adults have mobile money accounts and out of these, 58% are women compared to the 65% who are men and this shows that the gender gap in financial inclusion is not significantly narrowing. In Bangladesh, women were recorded to have the lowest rate of mobile money usage in the world by 2015, and those who used it; it was usually Over The Counter (OTC) through agents rather than their own accounts. They also relied on their husbands phones and did not understand the numbers on the mobile phone. Those who received training later alone through BRAC still did not feel comfortable doing the transactions themselves because they found the combination of numeracy and technology intimidating, even after a lot of training (CGAP, 2015). Regionally, the gender gap is largest in South Asia, where 37% of women have a mobile money account compared to the 55% of men (World Bank, 2015).
In Uganda, mobile money financial service is gaining momentum in that under six years since its establishment in 2009, the statistics of Bank of Uganda indicate that the number of registered customers has been phenomenal with an increase from 0.6 million in 2009 to 21.1 million in 2015 and currently, the number is exceeding half of Uganda’s population (Ssettimba BOU, 2016). Currently there are six mobile money operators regulated by the Bank of Uganda which include; MTN, Airtel, Orange [now Africell], UTL [M-sente], MCash, and Ezee-Money (Ryder, 2014). The statistics that indicate women adoption and use of mobile money financial services in Uganda are not clear but according to ICT Works (2014), in some cases they can be traced in displaced areas where remittances are even more critical to women due to the disruption of their families’ lives and the added responsibility this places on them. For instance 73% of women were reported using mobile money services compared to 60% of men in displaced areas in 2014 by ICT Works.
Komunte et al. (2012: 80, 82) also in their comparative analysis of mobile phone usage among women entrepreneurs in Uganda and Kenya indicated that 72% Ugandans and 91% Kenyans use their mobile phones for making money transfers, selling airtime and mobile money banking. They use mobile money to pay for goods and services without travelling to the point of sale, receive money from debtors, pay school fees for their children and clear utility bills at work. In addition, the research carried out by Wandibba et al (2014) in Machakos, Kenya shows that women who are engaged in petty business and other low ranking formal employment use mobile not only for easy access to and control over their financial services but also to boost their businesses and their participation in household running as well as raise their social status in the society. While these potential benefits of mobile money to women have been analyzed, there is still limited information with regard to access and use of mobile money financial service by rural housewives and how it is empowering them. Some studies were done by Munyegera et al. (2014) and Kikulwe et al. (2014) but they do not clearly bring out the picture of rural housewives because the main focus is on rural households and how mobile money has impacted on their welfare. In this study the research will carry out an assessment on mobile money financial service and the empowerment of rural housewives in Nkokonjeru to add to the existing literature.
Statement of the Problem
The increase in the growth of mobile money expertise in Uganda is a phenomenon that has been particularly remarkable and welcomed by both the urban and rural users largely because of the prepaid service model. As a result, almost classes of society now have access to financial services as people become increasingly familiar with a mobile-money service system (Okello, 2015). Despite the research done on how women have access to and use mobile phones and mobile money financial services by Komunte et al. (2012) in Uganda and Kenya, Wandibba et al (2014) in Machakos, Kenya, Munyegera et al. (2014) in Uganda, Kikulwe (2014) in Kenya and Bhandari (2015) in Uganda, their research has focused more on women in businesses both big and medium size and in other cases, the research has generalized findings to rural women without basis.
For instance, Munyegera et al (2014) and Kikulwe et al. (2014) generalize since their studies do not focus on rural housewives but rather rural households and small holder farm households that receive mobile remittances in Uganda and Kenya respectively. As result not much is known of how rural housewives are benefiting from mobile money financial services especially in empowering themselves and the people around them. Since Uganda is aspiring to become a middle income country by 2020 with women being part of this vision, this research will be important for Bank of Uganda, MMSPs, partnering financial institutions like Banks, and mobile money agents with the aim of providing innovative ideas that will partly speed up the process towards the attainment of the vision. Therefore the purpose of this research will be to assess how mobile money financial service is empowering rural house wives in Nkokonjeru with a view of adding to the existing literature and making appropriate recommendations to the concerned stakeholders.
Objectives of the Study
Major Objective
To assess how Mobile Money Financial Services is economically empowering rural housewives in Nkokonjeru.
Specific Objectives
To analyze the impact of mobile money financial service on rural housewives’ savings
To examine how mobile money financial service affects the consumption patterns of rural housewives
To assess other economic outcomes rural housewives have gained using mobile money savings.
Research Questions
What percentage do rural housewives save from mobile money?
How much (cash/income) do rural housewives receive from mobile money and at what intervals?
What income and non-income generating activities have rural housewives been able to accomplish using mobile money savings?
Scope of Study
The study will be carried out in Nkokonjeru, Buikwe district and it will concentrate on rural housewives within this area who are registered and active users of the mobile money financial service. Nkokonjeru is a municipality in Buikwe District in the Central Region of Uganda. The town’s name means “White Chicken” in English. Nkokonjeru is approximately 23 kilometers (14 mi), by road, southwest of Buikwe, the site of the district headquarters. The town is approximately 46 kilometers (29 mi), by road, southwest of Njeru, the largest urban centre in the district. This is approximately 50 kilometers (31 mi), by road, southeast of Kampala, the capital and largest city of Uganda. Nkokonjeru was the location of a traditional shrine where the Baganda used to sacrifice white chicken prior to 1890. In 1891, the Mill Hill Fathers established a Catholic Parish in the area. When lightning felled the sacrifice tree, the missionaries used the wood to burn bricks and build the Parish Church. Subsequently, they built schools, a hospital and a teacher’s college. The 2002 national census enumerated the population of Nkokonjeru at 11,095 and in 2010, the Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBOS) estimated the population at 13,700 while in 2011, UBOS estimated the mid-year population at 14,000 (wikipedia.org retrieved on 7th/02; 11: 39 am). Nkokonjeru is a town in the Buikwe District of Central Uganda, where both rural and urban life can be experienced because of presence of both developed and under developed infrastructure apart from the on-going road construction of Mukono-Kyetume-Katosi-Nyenga that is passing through the middle of the trading center and nothing like a formal financial institution except the savings and cooperative groups and BRAC which is operating in the area to extend financial assistance to rural women. Nkokonjeru is also a mixture of Bantu speaking people from central, eastern and southern parts of Uganda in addition to a range of economic activities especially business, fishing and agriculture (coffee).
The study will concentrate on the period between 2009 when mobile money financial service was first introduced in Uganda BY MTN according to Uganda Communications Commission-UCC (cited in Munyegera and Matsumoto 2014) till date with a purpose of tracking the number of women who have subscribed to the service and how it has been impacting on their lives since then throughout.
Justification of Study
In Uganda, mobile money financial service is gaining momentum in that under six years since its establishment in 2009, the penetration of mobile payment of registered mobile account holders stood at 17.6 million by 2015 indicating Sh24 trillion money transacted out of mobile money and by the end of the December, 2015, the amount increased to Sh32.5 trillion, according to the interview of Director Financial Stability Department Bank of Uganda, Dr. Abuka Charles with Daily Monitor. Additionally, the statistics of Bank of Uganda indicate that the number of registered customers has been phenomenal with an increase from 0.6 million in 2009 to 21.1 million in 2015 and currently, the number is exceeding half of Uganda’s population (Ssettimba BoU, 2016), although the number and percentage of women and men having a mobile money account is not indicated in this report.
In the same way, Okello (2015) argues that Mobile money transfer in Uganda has grown at an astounding rate and continues to follow a steep trend. Services through mobile money transactions have continued to be utilized and opted for by different social groups – rich, middle and poor; young and older persons; state and non-state actors especially in person-to-person transfer of money; purchase of goods and services from business individuals and companies (ibid). Given that earlier research has focused mainly on women in business and in other cases it has generalized rural households (ibid), this state of affairs has inspired the researcher to carry out an assessment on how this phenomenal growth of mobile money financial service has empowered rural housewives economically to support and transform their lives.
Significance of Study
The study is expected in the first place to add to the existing literature about the role of mobile money financial services in enhancing the economic empowerment of women especially rural housewives in Uganda.
The study is also expected to pave a way forward for policy makers and service providers in expanding the potentials of mobile money as a tool for service delivery and fighting poverty in rural areas of Uganda. At the end of the research, the researcher will provide appropriate recommendations to the concerned stakeholders especially the mobile money service providers and operators on how to improve on service delivery if they are to make a much bigger impact on the life of rural housewives and women in all aspects.
The study is also expected to inform formal financial service providers on how they can tap into the rural areas and raise financial inclusion especially at the lower end of the social spectrum while reducing the cost of access and use of basic financial services. This is because according to Munyegera et al. (2014), recent developments in the mobile banking arena have made it possible for users to access their bank accounts using their mobile phones without having to physically visit their bank branches due to the partnership that exist between MNOs and banks. Therefore this study serves to inform Banks on how they can extend their services through mobile banking to the lower communities especially women given the penetration of mobile money in rural areas.
Conceptual Framework
Progress in ICT is fast, and ICT growth is not restricted to developed countries only. ICT are spreading rapidly in developing countries and in recent years, there has been a rapid diffusion of information and communication technologies (ICT) in African countries, in line with similar patterns in other regions of the developing world. Figures show that, in Africa, growth in telephone subscribers, personal computer users, and Internet users has been fast since the 1990s. Recently mobile phone penetration has been overcoming fixed line coverage with the coverage of mobile cellular networks around 55 percent of the population in sub-Saharan Africa, and more than 80 percent of the population in Middle East and North African (MENA) countries between 2002 and 2007 as shown in figure 1 ( Andrianaivo and Kpodar 2011). Currently 46% of Africa’s population is subscribed to mobile services equivalent to more than half a billion people according to GSMA 2016 report on Africa’s mobile economy. GSMA estimates that over the next five years, an additional 168 million people will be connected by mobile services across Africa, reaching 725 million unique subscribers by 2020. Still they report that mobile internet has also continued to grow rapidly with the number tripling in the last five years to 300 million by the end of 2015 and an additional 250 million expected by 2020. This is expected to address a range of social challenges like the unregistered populations, digital divide and financial inclusion.
However, it has been argued by Victor (2014) that the journey towards mobile money has followed a “customer centric” evolution path as opposed to a “technology centric” model of innovation observed in developed nations and the primary actors in the mobile money ecosystems in developing nations have evolved beyond Consumers, Distribution Agents and Mobile Network Operators (MNOs) to also include Technology Partners, Banks, Merchants and Regulatory Authorities (Tobin, 2011). In these regions, there has been a rapidly growing internet penetration rate and mobile cellular network access within the last decade, trends which have been successfully harnessed in addressing existing problems. About 90% (GSMA, November 2012) of the mobile customer base in Africa purchased prepaid card vouchers using cash, from retail outlets run by MNOs and other licensed independent dealers authorized to sell mobile recharge vouchers to end users, in order to top up their mobile device call credit.
In 2008, it was a popular use case for students to request payment for services or gifts in form of recharge vouchers and even hold on to a collection of recharge vouchers as stored monetary value. It was also common to receive and gift recharge vouchers as birthday presents and use them for the fulfillment of a bevy of social obligations. Another use case that quickly became popular was the use of recharge vouchers as a medium to transfer value over huge geographical distances. Concerned consumers (lead users in this case) quickly discovered they could send “money” (recharge vouchers) to loved ones in remote villages simply by purchasing these vouchers and texting the digits via short message service (SMS) – at no extra expense. Their loved ones could either use the recharge vouchers themselves or exchange it for cash after finding an exchange partner in need. This provided value as it addressed several problems especially peculiar to the developing nations. First, it provided an expense-free method to exchange value for both the banked and unbanked. Next, it addressed issues related to infrastructure and transfer over wide geographic distances effectively enabling location free banking (Laukkanen & Lauronen, 2005).
Furthermore, it was accessible to almost anyone and provided all of this with near instant confirmation – SMS message delivery. No alternative method of value exchange provided comparative qualities as available options were costly, risky or inaccessible. Consumers could either send value through risky mass transit systems (public/private transportation) or make expensive bank transfers. Even today, other factors such as sparse bank branch coverage, extended waiting times for transfers and infrastructure challenges (particularly power), still make bank transfers less desirable. Thus consumers, through innovative use cases, defined the basic structure for the most successful form of Mobile Money in the third world today. Observation of these innovative use cases by customers provided the initial validation but building Mobile Money infrastructures. This basic structure which involves consumers with mobile devices, voucher distribution agents and MNOs has been formalized and constitutes the basic components of Mobile Money deployments, generating value for all stakeholders along the chain. In many parts of the developing world, mobile money remains the only way to provide financial services (transfers, remittances) to the unbanked and MNO-led strategies have proved to be the most successful (Gautam Ivatury, 2008).
Mobile money services today continues to improve financial inclusion in Africa as per GSMA (2016) with the region now accounting for 52% of the 271 live mobile money in 93 countries and 64% of all active mobile money accounts. In Uganda where this financial service is gaining momentum since its establishment in 2009 with 21.1 million registered customers (Ssettimba, 2016) coupled with over 19 million phone subscribers as by 2014 (UCC, 2014), it has already caused an impact on financial inclusion across the country especially among the women by enabling them to access formal, though basic financial services for the first time as well as empowering them financially and economically especially those in large, medium and small enterprises according to recent studies by Bhandari (2015), Munyegera et al (2014), Kikulwe et al (2014), Komuntale (2012).
Literature Review
Literature will be reviewed on the scholarly articles written about the themes from the objectives in order to identify the knowledge gaps.
Impact of Mobile Money Financial Services on users
Reducing transaction costs
Primarily, mobile payments substantially reduce the transactions costs of sending and of receiving money over distances, where there are poor and expensive transport links. According to Aron (2015), this is better than travelling to the bank and the time spent while travelling and waiting in long queues which can be extensive in time and money lost. This however works better where agents are readily available or where any other mobile money infrastructure exists and works well. Jack and Suri (2011) on the other hand analyze this in terms of facilitating trade which makes it easier to for people to pay for, and receive payments for goods and services like electricity bills without having to travel.
ACP on Migration analyses this in terms of lowering costs of remittances across borders via money transfers companies (MTCs), such as Western Union, Money Gram, and Money Express, which is widely considered expensive. Globally, sending remittances costs an average of 8.36 percent of the amount sent. The high cost of sending remittances through formal channels is partly related to costly currency conversions and strict regulations on cross-border transfers. By contrast, mobile money services allow unbanked people to transfer different small amounts of money both within and from outside the country at lower costs compared to bank transfers and MTCs. However, still even in rural areas mobile money agents are located in trading centers which require travelling to carry out transactions like withdrawing received remittances which means that still the burden of transport costs still remain.
Increasing savings and changing the nature of savings
Mobile money providing avenues for savings for the poor has a very big impact on their lives. This is true because according to Aron (2015), rather than trying to store their earnings in the houses or in form of assets like livestock [which is risky], they can manage their cash flows more easily and reliable with access to safe, convenient savings account. The culture of rural house holds storing money in houses is evidenced by the survey carried out by Jack and Suri (ibid) in Kenya under M-Pesa. The results showed that about 80% of households stored their money under the mattresses and the reasons being lack of access to M-Pesa. Qualitative work by Morawczynski (cited in Thegeya and Demombynes, 2012) suggests that, incomes of rural mobile money transfer recipients are likely to increase due to remittances, which also leads to higher savings by households. However, savings according to Thegeya and Demombynes (ibid) vary from basic mobile savings that are simply stored on the mobile account and do not earn interest (M-Sente) and the Bank-integrated mobile savings that pay interest and allow access to loans and insurance (M-Kesho), therefore the types of savings in this case also matters a lot.
Aker et al. (cited in Aron, 2015) bases the issue of increased savings on the level of privacy that mobile money provides to the users. For him, the inconspicuous nature of transfers allows personal savings to accumulate, without the user being importuned by the needy friends and relatives or giving away to current consumption needs and this has given women more bargaining power. Aron (2015) still adds that, with new innovations that are allowing registered mobile money users to access bank accounts, informal cash can be easily be deposited into the bank accounts and with payment of interest on the savings, there is potential for increased savings, a point earlier mentioned Thegeya and Demombynes, 2012.
However, according to a report by World Bank (2014), developing countries are still severely constrained by limited infrastructure and the difficulties of accessing financial institutions [banks] and because of this, 2.5 billion adults are unbanked. The reasons behind the exclusion of such a large number of people are related to barriers such as cost, travel distances and documentation requirements for opening a bank account in developing countries. In Uganda, for example according to Penicaud and Katakam (cited in Ryder, 2014), only 34% of the poor population lives within a 5 kilometer radius to a financial access point. This makes the idea of advancing from basic savings to bank-integrated savings which earn interest using mobile money still difficult and therefore, making powerful economic investments from mobile money savings may still be difficult for the rural poor.
Payment of goods and services
According to Lonie (cited in Aron 2015), the key to commercial profitability for mobile payments systems is facilitating technology that allows the inter-operability of payments across different mobile money systems for merchants. Governments use of mobile money such as in salary disbursements could prove to be enormous as it would improve the government’s ability to monitor financial flows, collect tax revenues, and reduce illicit activity, though this is still in its infancy according to Donovan (2012). The study carried out by Ndiwalana et al. 2012 indicated the payment for goods and services as the most common reason why people use mobile money with 40.8%.
When it comes to urban mobile users, Foster et al. (2012) recognizes that every potential mobile subscriber in town consumes water and that consumption requires a regular payment. At the same time, traditional modes of water bill payment typically pose high transaction costs for customers and utilities alike. Hence, with the almost universal ownership of mobile phones amongst urban households accessing utility water supplies, there is a compelling case for MNOs and WSPs to form mutually beneficial partnerships. The mobile water payment option therefore presents a strategically important avenue for mobile money providers to drive the volumes they seek.
While mobile money has served as a huge benefit to the rural community in providing an effective means of money transfer, Ryder (ibid) emphasizes that the offer of services is still limited and mobile money has not yet achieved its widely acclaimed financial inclusion potential. Just this one disadvantage of mobile money limits the potential of rural communities to be able to fully benefit from its services.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
3.1 Introduction
This chapter describes the methods that will be used during the research so as to achieve the set objectives. These methods will include the research design, study area, population of the study, sampling procedures, and sample size, sampling techniques, data collection methods and instruments. It will also include quality control measures, ethical considerations during the study, data analysis of findings, anticipated constraints as well as the measures that will be applied to overcome these constraints to make the research successful.
3.2 Research design
A research design is the arrangement of conditions for collection and analysis of data in a manner that aims to combine the relevance to the research purpose with economy in procedure (Kothari, 2004: 31-32). Using Bloor and Wood (2006) ideas, the research will be conducted using a case study design since it is a qualitative research, and a descriptive approach will be used in order to gain detailed understanding of how Mobile Money financial service is empowering rural housewives in Nkokonjeru.
3.3 Study Area
The study will be conducted in Nkokonjeru, Buikwe District which is one of the many rural areas in Uganda that is underserved by the formal banking system and where mobile money service has taken route in order to assess how it has economically empowered rural housewives.
3.4 Population of study
The study will focus on rural housewives who are using the mobile money financial service in the study area. This is because, available studies have put much emphasis on women in business and formal employment in their research about mobile money and how it is impacting on their lives and less emphasis on rural housewives. The study population will also include the Mobile money agents in the area who deliver the mobile money service on behalf of the service providers and other end users or consumers like the household men who also use the service to obtain their views concerning the subject.
3.5 Sampling Procedures
Payne (2014) states that sampling involves selecting particular sub-sets of respondents to be studied from a setting in which they belong and this will particularly involve determining the sample size and the sampling techniques to be used to select the respondents out of the whole group as discussed below.
3.5.1 Sample Size
A sample of 60 respondents will be selected and they will include 30 rural housewives, 15 mobile money agents and 15 household men.
3.5.2 Sampling techniques
Using Kothari (2004) ideas, purposive non-random sampling technique will be used to select the respondents for the study. The researcher will purposively choose mobile money agents and rural housewives and those selected will pass the researcher onto other respondents
3.6 Data collection methods and instruments
These include the procedures that will help the researcher to generate data from respondents and they are divided into primary and secondary data collection methods and instruments.
3.6.1 Secondary data collection methods
This includes the careful examination of documents and their content in order to draw conclusions about the social circumstances in which the documents are produced and read (Bloor and Wood, 2006: 57). The method will be review of literature and instruments will include journal articles, peer reviewed books, published books and reports on mobile money industry that will help the researcher to track trends, statistics, history and success stories of mobile money and how it has been impacting on women’s lives. The documents will include those that have existed before the research and those that will come in as the research is being conducted.
3.6.2 Primary data collection methods
This includes data collected afresh and for the first time, and thus happen to be original in character as explained by Kothari (2004: 95). These will include;
3.6.2.1 Questionnaires
Un-structured open ended questionnaire will be administered to rural housewives to generate a lot of information in a short period of time without a need to use a recording instrument. However there might be a possibility of non-response but the researcher intends to make a follow up in addition to administering more questionnaires than planned in order to compensate for those not returned. Besides, the researcher will also use the research administered questionnaires to rural house wives as a back up for the un-structured questionnaires.
3.6.2.2 Interviews
Unstructured interviews together with interview guides will be used and conducted between the researcher and the rural housewives, and mobile money agents and according to Miller and Brewer (2003), this will give the researcher a chance to probe other questions not in the researcher’s interview guide but relevant to the study that will draw out more complete stories from the respondents. Recording equipment will also be used, with permission from the respondents, to obtain narratives in respondent’s own words about the study for future reference.
3.6.2.3 Observation
Stake (2010) defines observation as a method of collecting observable data that can be seen directly by the researcher, heard or felt using naturally given body senses. Non-participant observation together with an observation check list will be used on all respondents to take note of especially the facial expressions and natural settings where respondents will be interviewed from and to also capture unobtrusive data to cause reaction about it.
3.7 Quality control measures
This is how the researcher plans to make the research information accurate and trusted by the respondents. These measures include validity and reliability.
3.7.1 Validity
According to Schensul et al. 1999: 150), validity measures fit between the researcher and the respondent’s perceptions and meanings, or between data collection procedures and what they support to collect. Since the researcher will use questionnaires, a pre-test on them will be carried out first to verify whether they will be understood by respondents and with the advice from the supervisor, this will help to clarify ambiguities in the questions and take respondents advise on clarity.
3.7.2 Reliability
This is concerned with whether the study can be duplicated or not (ibid). To avoid duplication of data in questionnaires, questions probed in interview schedule will serve the purpose. Recording tools and critical observation of facial expressions of the respondents will also assist the researcher to verify reliability of the information.
3.8 Ethical considerations
Ethics is foregoing of bonds that create a community and the moral choices we face when we act in that community (Booth, et al. 2008: 273). This therefore means those choices we take into account when conducting research to ensure that they do not affect the respondents and the results of the research. The researcher will first seek consent from the respondents before collecting information from them to ensure that they participate voluntarily. In addition the researcher will promise privacy and confidentiality where necessary when using the information gathered from the respondents. Dressing code and general conduct of the researcher towards the respondents will be critically considered especially while conducting the study with the rural housewives. Lastly the researcher will ensure that the findings of the study are not misreported and will try as much as possible to avoid plagiarizing the results of the study.
3.9 Data analysis
Neuman (2007) explains data analysis as a means of systematically recording or gathering data in order to make it easily accessible and understood by the reader; avoid errors, dull conclusions and misleading inferences. The researcher will do editing, coding and tabulation.
3.9.1 Editing
Editing is the process of examining the collected raw data to detect errors and omissions and to correct these when possible (Kothari, 2004: 123). Editing will include a careful scrutiny of the completed questionnaires and recordings from interviews to ensure that the data obtained is accurate, consistent, uniformly entered and has been well arranged to facilitate coding and tabulation.
3.9.2 Coding
The researcher will code by organizing the raw data into themes or concepts (according to each objective) which will be used for making generalizations. Coding will mechanically reduce on the raw data through categorizations hence allowing the researcher to retrieve relevant parts of the data and answer a particular objective.
3.9.3 Tabulation
After coding, raw data will be summarized and displayed in tables using Microsoft excel for the purpose of making comparisons, detecting errors and reducing on the explanatory statements.
3.10 Anticipated constraints
Designing questionnaires and interview questions may be difficult but the researcher will seek guidance from the supervisor and piloting the questions on intended respondents to avoid ambiguities.
The interviews may be time consuming and laborious especially when it comes to transcribing of the data but the researcher intends to use selective transcription in making judgments about which aspects of the data are particularly relevant to the research questions as advised by Miller and Brewer (2003).
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